• Advice on Portfolio Development in the Eastern Partnership region and Russia: implications of Ukraine conflicts

      Greene, Owen J.; Morris, K.; Paasiaro, M. (2015-02-01)
      Sida requested the Helpdesk to review and analyse the direct and indirect implications of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014 for the portfolio of programmes supported by Sida in the Eastern Partnership Region (EaP) and in Russia; taking into account the Results Strategies for Sweden’s support to these regions and countries.
    • Global Security in the Post-Cold War Era and the Relevance of Nuclear Weapons

      Bluth, Christoph (2021-06)
      Are nuclear weapons still relevant to global security? Compared with the nuclear confrontation in the depths of the Cold War, nuclear weapons and deterrence appear to have lost their salience. Considering the conflicts in which the major powers engaged, the focus in strategic studies changed to counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, and subconventional conflict.2 Only recently, with the conflict in Ukraine and the increasingly confrontational relationship between the United States and China has this narrative come into question. The general perception on international security exhibits a strange paradox. On the one hand the US-led military interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq and other parts, the conflicts in the Middle East and Africa, the nuclearization of North Korea and the conflict between India and Pakistan among other regional security issues have given rise to a view that the modern world is less secure than ever, and we live in a world of chaos riven by unpredictable patterns of violence. By contrast, Steven Pinker has demonstrated the casualties from armed conflict are at their lowest point in human history, and interstate warfare has virtually ceased to exist as a phenomenon.3 The imminence of a global nuclear war in which at a minimum hundreds of millions of people would die appears to have dissipated. In some respects, it appears that war has become almost a phenomenon of the past. Most of the recent literature on nuclear weapons has focused on regional crises areas, such as South Asia (India and Pakistan) or the Korean peninsula.4 However, the modernization of arsenals by the nuclear powers, the integration of strategic conventional and nuclear weapons in strategic doctrines and the more confrontational dynamics in Great Power politics is cited as evidence that the risk of nuclear use is increasing. This paper contests the emerging narratives on an increased threat of nuclear conflict and considers the sources of insecurity in the contemporary period and in particular the risks of armed conflict between the United States, Russia, and China in order to assess the role of nuclear weapons in contemporary security.
    • Medvedev¿s presidency: implications for NATO¿s future relations with Russia

      Russell, John (NATO Parliamentary Assembly website, 24/05/2008)
      In discussing the implications of Medvedev¿s presidency for NATO¿s future relations with Russia, I will take, as a starting point, an admittedly controversial judgment that the Soviet Union was brought down, not, as many in the West would maintain, by President Reagan, NATO intransigency and Star Wars, nor even by perestroika or `democratization¿, but by Gorbachev¿s policy of glasnost, the very openness that Vladimir Putin appeared bent on eradicating between 2000 and 2008 as he moved Russia back along more traditional authoritarian lines in order to overcome the widespread chaos and insecurity of the 1990¿s. I would argue further that it is disingenuous to ignore the fact that the overwhelming majority of Russians today connect openness ¿ which we in the West see as the very life-blood of our civic, democratic and free societies ¿ as a major cause of unprecedented national humiliation, enfeeblement and instability. On the contrary, it is my firm belief that these differing perceptions of openness should be factored into any formulation of an effective NATO policy toward its former long-standing adversary.
    • The Nuclear Challenge: US-Russian strategic relations after the Cold War

      Bluth, Christoph (Routledge, 2019-11)
      A comprehensive and timely analysis of strategic nuclear arms policy in the United States and Russia and examines the collaborative efforts to reduce nuclear weapons through arms control and render nuclear weapons and fissile materials in Russia secure. He concludes that the end of the Cold War has created new and unprecedented dangers and that these dangers require a greater political will and cooperation which have so far been lacking.
    • Terrorists, bandits, spooks and thieves: Russian demonisation of the Chechens before and since 9/11.

      Russell, John (Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2005)
      The Russo-Chechen conflict, arguably the bloodiest confrontation in Europe since World War II, only attracts the attention of the Western media when the Chechens stage terrorist `spectaculars¿ such as the `Nord-Ost¿ or Beslan school sieges. Putin¿s uncompromisingly tough line against the Chechens is popular among an ethnic Russian electorate traumatised since its own `Black September¿ in 1999. Since 9/11 this conflict has been presented almost exclusively as Russia¿s frontline in the international `war on terrorism¿. All Chechens who oppose Putin¿s policies in Chechnya are dismissed as `terrorists¿ and `bandits¿. Yet a satisfactory political resolution of the conflict seems far off; thousands of Chechen civilians continue to suffer and die. Russia¿s attempt at `Chechenisation¿ of the conflict appears to have achieved its `Palestinisation¿. How far has the policy of demonising the Chechens, which helped Yeltsin and Putin to launch their respective wars, become a major obstacle to peace in Chechnya?
    • When the Baltic Sea was a "bridge" for humanitarian action: the League of Nations, the Red Cross and the repatriation of prisoners of war between Russia and Central Europe 1920-22.

      Housden, Martyn (2007)
      By early 1920, literally hundreds of thousands of prisoners of war still had not been repatriated between Russia and Central Europe. To rectify matters a major humanitarian initiative followed, carried out largely under the auspices of the League of Nations. In a little less than two years, 427,886 people were repatriated. Of these, 406,091 were transported through the Baltic region. This paper highlights the important role of British officials in managing the ambitious project and emphasizes that Estonia, and Narva especially, played a pivotal role facilitating movement between East and West. The success of the venture meant that subsequent humanitarian agreements concluded in the 1920s built on international success rather than failure.