Contemporary studies of Peace Journalism have yet to examine how
photographs, as visual content captured by print media, fit within the model
of Peace Journalism. In this research, a content analysis of press images
was conducted using predefined methodology on newspaper coverage of the
annual July 12th Drumcree Parades (Marching) in Portadown, Northern
Ireland, during the pre-, intra-, and post-peace process that occurred
between 1996 and 2000. In most newspapers, the proportions of both
violent/aggressive and nonviolent/non-peaceful content were higher in the
relatively peaceful period of 2000, as compared to their proportions in at least
one of the other ‘violent’ years of 1996 and 1998. No overall trend in content
was observed in relation to the level of violence across 1996 to 2000. During
this period, media practice in Portadown, Northern Ireland did not support the
publication of newspaper commensurate with actual level of violence in the
Northern Ireland or the depictions of peace building and the peaceful
resolution of conflict. The implications of these findings for the development
of ‘Peace Photojournalism’ are explored.
Efforts to control small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the periods following violent conflict can have positive or negative impacts on peacebuilding efforts. Similarly, peacebuilding activities can both support or endanger efforts to place SALW under greater control. Despite the regular occurrence of SALW control and peacebuilding activities in the same time and space in post violent conflict contexts, there is insignificant analysis of how the two sets of activities interrelate, and how these interelationships can be strengthened to improve the contribution that SALW control efforts make to peacebuilding, and vice-versa. The effects of interrelationships over time (contingency); in the same geographic space (complementarity) and the effects of public perceptions and social construction are particularly important and provide a framework for establishing these interrelationships through analysing a wide universe of cases of SALW control attempted in countries emerging from violent conflict, five mini-cases studies and a major analysis of interrelationships in Kosovo.
In the last fifteen years, conflict resolution, a collaborative,
problem-solving approach to social conflicts, was introduced to new
democracies in an attempt to develop civil society¿s capacity for conflict
management (Mayer, 2000). Conflict resolution provides people with an
opportunity to advocate effectively for their own interests in a non-violent,
constructive manner through systematic educational efforts, skills trainings,
dialogue initiatives, and mediation practices (Mayer, 2000). It empowers people
to address, manage, and transform difficulties and antagonism into a source of
positive social change and, thus, change people¿s negative psychological
responses to conflicts (Bush & Folger, 1994). In this view, conflict resolution in
new democracies¿ civil society provides citizens as well NGO practitioners with
the skills and opportunities to practice how to express and resolve differences in
a safe and constructive environment (Shonholtz, 1997). In an effort to provide
additional information about civil society¿s conflict resolution practices and their
affect in new democracies, this dissertation examines the existing efforts of
South Korean civil society organisations to promote conflict resolution
methodologies. Specifically, three organisations are examined to understand
better South Korean civil society¿s response to PCR issues. Furthermore, by
closely examining these three civil society organisations, this dissertation aims
to explore what affect increased awareness and engagement in conflict
resolution methodologies have on the democratic quality of civil society.
Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the ¿unrecognised state¿ of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the ¿official¿ or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a ¿no war no peace¿ situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.
The aim of this research is to expand the framework of contemporary conflict
resolution by constructing a complementary relationship between Western
epistemologies and a Buddhist epistemology. Despite its evolution and development
through self-reflexivity and self-critique, contemporary conflict resolution established
upon Western epistemologies has confined the understanding of human mind to
social/cultural orientations and left a comprehensive and qualitative analysis of the
potential of individual human mind underdeveloped. Buddhist epistemology, the
central theme of which is to address human suffering that is mainly psychological and
subjective, makes a critical analysis of human subjectivity in terms of how it can be
become a root cause of suffering including conflict and how it can be addressed by
gaining an insight into the social/cultural construction of human subjectivity. The
argument of the thesis is that when a socially/culturally-oriented view of human mind
and a deeper and more profound view of human mind are combined together, we can
engage in a qualitatively richer and deeper analysis of the psychological and
subjective dynamics of conflict resolution.
The purpose of this research project is to examine the role of conflict resolution
in training programmes for military peacekeepers. It offers a significant
contribution to the conflict resolution literature by providing contemporary
analysis of where further manifestations exist of the links between military
peacekeeping and the academic study of conflict resolution.
The thesis firstly provides a thorough analysis of where conflict resolution
scholars have sought to critique and influence peacekeeping. This is mirrored
by a survey of policy stemming from the United Nations (UN) in the period
1999-2010. The thesis then undertakes a survey of the role of civil-military
cooperation: an area where there is obvious crossover between military
peacekeeping and conflict resolution terminology. This is achieved firstly
through an analysis of practitioner reports and academic research into the
subject area, and secondly through a fieldwork analysis of training programmes
at the UN Training School Ireland, and Royal Military Training Academy
Sandhurst (RMAS). The thesis goes on to provide a comprehensive
examination of the role of negotiation for military peacekeepers. This
examination incorporates a historical overview of negotiation in the British
Army, a sampling of peacekeeping literature, and finally fieldwork observations
of negotiation at RMAS. The thesis discusses how this has impacted
significantly on conceptions of military peacekeepers from both the military and
conflict resolution fields.
The thesis adds considerably to contemporary debates over cosmopolitan
forms of conflict resolution. Firstly it outlines where cosmopolitan ethics are
entering into military training programmes, and how the emergence of
institutionalised approaches in the UN to ¿human security¿ and peacebuilding
facilitate this. Secondly, the thesis uses Woodhouse and Ramsbotham¿s
framework to link the emergence of cosmopolitan values in training
programmes to wider structural changes at a global level.
Classical approaches to conflict resolution assume that inducing conflict parties to analyse conflict constellations precipitates that the disputants recognise mutually shared needs or interests. Partially in critical reaction towards this assumption, a more recently emerging approach envisages setting up a communicative framework within which the conflict parties are supposed to harmonise their conceptualisations of the conflict. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that work within the frameworks of these classes of approaches is impolitic as long as war-related hostilities stay intact, since conflict parties which see the existence of the adversary as the core of the problem are unlikely to engage in a process of open communication or open analysis, so that trustbuilding is a sine qua non. Practice experiences of local NGOs in the former Yugoslavia suggest that the following activities can be conducive to trustbuilding: 1) supporting exchanges on personalising information, so that the internal heterogeneity of the opponent¿s group is rendered visible; 2) bringing intergroup
commonalities to the foreground, either through cooperation on shared aspirations, or by unearthing interpersonal overlaps e.g. common feelings, values, and war-related experiences; 3) undermining the imagination of the own side¿s moral superiority by fostering the recognition of crimes and suffering inflicted by the own side. For those cultural and religious differences which persist after basic trustbuilding, a contingency approach is proposed: 1) Fostering the exploration of commonalities and differences; 2) If disagreements remain despite a better basic understanding, tolerance of these difference can be based on a better understanding of the values¿ background, and on an acceptance of differing beliefs as equal in valence; 3) Supporting the discovery of joint values to raise awareness for options of cohabitation with differences; disagreements which cannot be solved might be continued within an accepted communicative framework based on these shared values.
This study explores and critically examines the role of indigenous mechanisms (the Inter-Tribal Reconciliation Conferences-ITRCs) in resolving tribal conflicts in South Darfur State of Western Sudan. The fundamental question raised by this study is: have these reconciliation conferences- 1989-2009- been able to address the root causes of the tribal conflicts and are they capable of serving the same role that they once did?
Tribal leadership structures, such as Native Administration (NA) and their mechanisms of conflict resolution/management in Darfur, have been subjected to highly significant changes over time. The question is to what extent these changes further fuelled tribal conflicts and/or have negatively affected the capability of the NA and the ITRCs to deal with these conflicts?
This thesis relies on archive records and reports of the ITRCs and data generated through interviews conducted with key informants. Through a detailed analysis the study: 1) presents a detailed account of the major conflicts and their causes in South Darfur; 2) identifies the changing identities of the protagonists and of the perceived causes; 3) assesses the effectiveness of the agreements reached by these conferences when considered alongside the causes identified.
Analysis of the ITRCs shows that tribal conflicts in Darfur (from1980s), and South Darfur in particular, were connected to the wider political conflict in the Sudan and the region respectively. The analysis suggests that the history of neglect/marginalisation of the region by successive governments, and the political manipulation of the NA and local government, have negatively affected the performance of these institutions. The experience of the ITRCs indicates that they were unable to address the underlying causes of the tribal conflicts, such as land disputes, the manipulation of the NA and local government, rape and mass killings.
A major threat in present political climate is
identity group conflict as shown in such disparate cases
as former Yugoslavia, Rwanda , Northern Ireland and the
rise in racism and xenophobia in Europe. Conflict
Resolution theory has addressed itself to intervention in
existing conflict situations either by third parties or
the conflicting parties themselves but conflict
prevention has been a relatively neglected area.
This thesis takes a case study of relations between
the Muslim and white majority communities in Bradford
where underlying tensions occasionally erupt into
conflicts which have national ramifications and sometimes
international dimensions. Within this situation there is
scope for conflict resolution work but also conflict
prevention work. Reference is made to Northern Ireland
where identity group conflict has been longstanding and
where community relations approaches have ben tried and
tested over a period of fifteen to twenty yeas. The
community relations work already being undertaken in
Bradford is explored along with where and how this needs
to be strengthened.
An action research project was undertaken to bring
together young members of the Muslims and white majority
communities in an attempt to assess the usefulness of
workshop based approaches in improving inter-group
relations and transmitting skills of conflict handling to
Conflict resolution theory and practice have been increasingly criticised for ignoring the
centrality of culture in their attempts to find theories and models that are applicable
universally, not only across cultures but also across levels of society. Mediation is one
form of conflict resolution, which has come to occupy a central position in the resolution of
disputes both at international and local levels. At the level of family disputes, family
mediation has failed to engage users from different ethnic groups in England and Wales.
This thesis explores the hypothesis that culture and, in particular, culturally defined
concepts of gender are the important factors determining the success or failure of mediation
in divorce disputes.
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